Thursday, November 24, 2011

Matunga Labour Camp History


TRUE FOLLOWER OF AMBEDKARISM

The story of Bhagwat Jadhav is the story of the Matunga Labour Camp itself. His family was one of the earliestfolks to have settled down in the camp;and, his nostalgic reminiscences and fond memorieswould take any listener back in time in an instant. The Labor Camp is where he spent his childhood after he moved from his hometown Nasik at the age of four.  He continues to live here with his wife Janabai.
The Matunga Labour Camp is like any other government colony. Most residents who moved here from their native villages hail from districts such as Nasik, Satara and Nagar.  Initially, the Labour Camp was strictly a colony which housed onlythe migrant working class; where mostly people were employed either in the Railways or in several textile mills scattered all over Mumbai.
Jhadav who used to work at the Worli Milk Factory as a class four employee,spoke of the past with much affection. “The rent used to be 50 Paise when we moved to the camp. Thereafter, it was increased to Rs.5 and today the rent is Rs.48. At that time, the Pathan used to collect the rent and later the BMC appointed a rent collector called Gomes. They used to come late at night and we used to hide in other rooms where the rent collector could not find us”, he said.
Another one of Jadhav’s early memories is of the Ambedkar Chowk- a place where domestic conflicts used to be discussed amongst the entire community- and a united solution was meted out by the elderly and experienced individuals. “On most occasions”, Jhadav said, “It was the woman of the house who used to take the matter to the chowk, where her husband was confronted by others and had to oblige the public decision”. However, the Ambedkar Chowk today is an abandoned spot where only Ambedkar’s statue is planted and the space serves no communal function like it used to earlier. Jhadav lamented that in the present times, all the matters in the camp are supervised by the police, and he feels that there is no need of any police to solve the problems of the community.
There are four public schools in Matunga Labour Camp out of which, only one is open now. Jhadav along with others started a “Balwadi” or a pre-nursery school where a minimal fee of Rs.2 was charged so as to pay for Chalk, Blackboard and other such facilities. “Often, we used to distribute chocolates to the children in the community so that they would come and study at the Balwadi”, said Jhadav. During the early days, most of the children in the camp could not afford the luxury of education and saw it as a waste of time.  Most of them simply wanted to look for a job either in the Railways or the Mill.
However, the situation is drastically different today as the education system has become more and more commercialized- and most students are enrolledin coaching classes which require huge amounts of money- as parents don’t have enough time to look after their children’s education.

The change in the Labour Camp is not only occurring at a social level, but also on a purely tangible and geographical level.In 1950, Jhadav along with his family moved to a ground-floor chawl constructed by the BMC; which built five buildings in all called ‘ABCDE’. In 1960, another five were added and finally in 1963, ten more buildings were built.

Meanwhile, the political situation in the camp is primarily dominated by the Dalit Movement. People are united against injustice in the name of Babasaheb Amedkar and share a strong sense of community and brotherhood.
The organization of the Dalit community in the Matunga Labor Camp is centered around Ambedkar and his ideas. The Ambedkar Jayanti is celebrated with much gusto in the camp and is a week-long affair. In the past, each household used to donate up to Rs.2 for the celebrations where artists from all disciplines used to sing, act and perform for the entire community. The Dalit Movement was in its full vigor during the lifetime of Ambedkar. After his death, it was under the leadership of Dadasaheb Gaekwad, but it became fractured and fragmented, and consequently lead to the formation of the Dalit Panther Movement in 1977.
Moreover, the Sayunkta Maharashtra Movement which was started in 1957 as an anti-inflation movement also managed to influence the Dalit community who supported the movement completely. It was the coming together of two strong ideologies that influenced both communities mutually and inspired many artists such as Annabhu Sathey, Ahilya Ranganekar and Balraj Sahni.
Jhadav’s father was the ward president of the Schedule Caste Federation, which was a party started by Ambedkar in 1930. Before every public meeting, the shahir i.e. the poet used to sing the ambedkari jalsa which is a ballot composed in the praise of Ambedkar.


“The Matunga Labor Camp and Dharavi have grown up together, like bada bhai and chhota bhai,” said Jhadav. There is a certain amount of reciprocity which the two share; but there are major differences in their respective ideologies as well. Whenever the question is raised about redevelopment, the camp has always supported the people of Dharavi who have reciprocated by participating in the Ambedkar Jayanti celebrations and lending support on any other cause as well. Moreover, the Labour Camp regularly celebrates thePeriyar Ramaswamy Jayanti, which is a significant festival for the Dravidian community in Dharavi. However, Jhadav is quick to point out that the relationship is far from being smooth and there are certain points of disagreement between the two as well. For instance, “The leather community in Dharavi called ‘Charmkar’ do not interact with the Dalit community in the camp as they nurture a sense of superiority”, said Jhadav.

The change in the Labour Camp has now become constant. Most of the families are moving out of the camp to live in various suburbs in the city such as Badalpur and Virar. Many have sold their houses as joint families are rapidly breaking up and children moving out. Moreover, the camp is also changing in terms of its demographic composition as it is becoming more cosmopolitan and is no longer a place solely for the Dalit community of Mumbai. 

Saturday, November 19, 2011

Dharavi Photo Essay


         Suffering or Shining Mumbai

The picture is between Sion and Matunga Station of Central Railway which is life line of Mumbai city. Right side of picture recorded largest slum in Asia that’s Dharavi. Left side is Middle class or upper class Residential area. There is out rightly class segregation or difference  we can easily see it one side of society is shining. Always they get all kinds  benefit but on the other side through they are the suffering people of this society but they are the pillars of the city , because of them city run proper manner. They are the real creator of society they are proud to be a Dharavikar. Despite of these what they get that’s question raise in mind.
              In right of the picture which is in Dharavi near railway track there is Dhobi Ghat, Dhobi its Hindi word known as the worker who is washing the cloth. After finish of washing, he has dying that cloth but he don’t have another space for dying so he use middle space two railway track as Natural Dying Machine.
              In Sion side there is three storage, four storage building which middle class colony in teraace of that is building   we can see the mobile satellite tower that means they are the modern  people. In other side we can find the Electric Tower which provide electricity to city
              But in Dharavi  side of are we can see one ground floor or maximum 1 or 2 storage slum some of them are pukka houses or some of them tin houses but they don’t get basic needs like good water sanitation. But in other side we can see its 24 hour water supply all kind basic sanitation provided by Municipal Corporation
              In the process of Globalization or Modernation all section of people should get equal benefit of city. But this bread butter only get  one section of people and that was upper class. It cannot reach last section of society. This indicates me city is shining in one side only

Friday, October 14, 2011

HISTORY OF DHARAVI


Dharavi, spread over 540 acres of land and around 70,000 households, is the biggest slum in Asia. The history of Dharavi dates back to the pre-independence period. As per the records, the earliest colony of fishermen in the area known as Dharavi today was set up way back in 1910.
Dharavi is located in Sion, also its old  name is  sheev.  The  translation of this Marathi word is ‘Border’. Historically, the Dharavi slum was set up outside the city because as per the prevalent social norms of that time, people involved in occupations such as leather, pottery and fishing were considered of lower caste and their place was outside the village.so they are live in city as 'Gavkusa bahercha jina.
In 1912, Mumbai was developing, and a port and sea-route was the only convenient itinerary to reach Mumbai from Gujarat. Around 150-200 potter families used to come from Saurashtra via the sea route to Mumbai for eight months a year. The soil around the Dharavi area was perfect for their business. These families used to live in small huts made of coconut tree leaves. In 1932, all these huts were burned in an inferno, after which the trader community in Mumbai helped these potter families with money, food and shelter.
 After this, these 200 families were settled permanently in Dharavi and started their small-scale business of producing earthen pots, diyas, murals etc. Now, around 385 families work in Kumbharwada. Kumbharwada produces around 70% of the earthen pots and diyas sold in Mumbai. The 13 acres of land provide employment to 2,000 workers.

Thursday, September 29, 2011

Khairlanji Anniversary 2011 29sep11 By Atrocity News Service


Today is the 5th Anniversary of  Khairlanji Atrocity happened in Oct. 2007.  The atrocity questioned the real interest of People into the principles of Humanity. Though it is One among the 368 Notorious Atrocities committed on Buddhist Converts , it has all the elements of uncivil outlook of Indian Society in pronounced way.
Witnessing people in general, social activists, lawyers, doctors, politicians and Buddhist Monks congregating from all corners of the world for paying floral tributes to Bhotmange family.  The family Leader Surekha, was humiliated and her dignity was taken for ride by Hindu Gang before murdering her. Later her blind son, brillient daughter and another son were murdered.
Khairlanji massacre has become a WATERSHED that sensitized media, civil society and politic by producing a realistic perspective on caste violence very deeply. Father Bhaiyalal was present in Khairlanji. There is an equivocal demand for having the ‘Khairlanji Memorial Pillar’ in front of the hut. None of the violent incidents reported till this time all over country. Atrocitynews correspondent from Khairlanji reports gathering everywhere, many more joining in groups in diffrent places to pay respect to the Bhotmange Family. We will come with the photographs for our readers soon.

Sunday, September 25, 2011

Girangaon Out of Focus: By Rachel Lopez Time Out Mumbai Magzine 2009


Mumbai’s mills were already fast disappearing when Ajit Abhimeshi began to photograph them in 2005, in an effort to capture the changing face of Girangaon. A former resident of the area, 27-year-old Abhimeshi found that several decaying structures had given way to malls and office complexes even as the neighbourhoods around them stayed the same. “I grew up at a time when the mills had already shut,” said Abhimeshi. “I got to see only empty buildings. But my children won’t even be able to see these structures. An important chapter of Mumbai’s past will have disappeared forever.”
 
Abhimeshi’s images, roughly 30 of which will constitute Girangaon Out of Focus, an exhibition at Rachna Sansad, help archive what’s still standing. His images show lone chimneys lost among new skyscrapers and neighbourhoods that house the last of Mumbai’s former mill labourers. Empty shells of outer walls offer views of new constructions beyond, while moss and creepers take over factory facades.  
 
The exhibition is part of a continuing project by the research group Pukar to examine the area’s livelihood, infrastructural and educational opportunities through the lens of the caste system. Though there’s a belief that caste barriers dissolve in a metro like Mumbai, Pukar’s executive director Anita Patil-Deshmukh said that these divisions “are actually reinforced and stronger than ever”, pointing to city ghettoes and caste-specific professions. Abhimeshi contributes with mill photography and research on city celebrities who emerged from chawls, the commercialisation of community festivals and Girangaon’s khanavals – tiny kitchens run by women for millworkers living alone in Mumbai.  
 
Abhimeshi’s exhibition opens on January 18, the date that marks the anniversary of the day union leader Datta Samant started the enormous mill workers strike against the Bombay Mill Owners Association in 1982. “Twenty-six years on, most mill workers’ children are unaware of the strike,” said Abhimeshi, who hopes his images say what history books don’t.
 
The photo exhibition is a preview to a Girangaon festival that Pukar will organise later this year. “Two locations in Mumbai, Dharavi and Girangaon, are going through an unprecedented transformation never before witnessed in history,” she said. “Dharavi has been studied and studied and studied, but no one has looked at Girangaon. We’re telling these people that we revere their contribution to the city. We understand what they have been through.”

Friday, September 23, 2011

City of Gold review by Sonia Chopra


Movie
City of Gold
Director
Mahesh Manjrekar
Cast
Vineet Kumar, Sameer Dharmadhikari, Kashmira Shah and Satish Kaushik


The film’s title is sarcastic. For the message, it wishes to inculcate is that while Mumbai is assumed to be city of gold (opportunities), these riches have been paved upon the toils of several mill workers who never got their due.
The setting is a chawl in the `80s (a time when mill shutters were being downed robbing thousands of their livelihood) – the protagonists are a family supported by a textile mill-worker. The workers haven’t been paid for six months and are being encouraged to retire voluntarily. Without any income, the workers’ families are distraught. Tired of false promises by the owners who are keen to sell off the land for a new mall, a family in the chawl commits suicide. Their union leader Rane (Sachin Khedekar) fights for their rights, but can’t battle the attitude of his own people who are ready to quit the fight for a little money.

There are some arresting moments – you truly feel for the plight of the workers, and are moved when their firebrand leaders climb on top of cabs and rev up the workers. The story of disillusioned young, with an easy access to alcohol, guns and smooth-talking crime lords is also disturbing.

The character you feel for the most is the home’s matriarch Aai (Seema Biswas) who sees each of her children let her down one by one. Post-retirement, the husband too refuses to take any responsibility. It’s left to her to handle the lives of each of her family members, and welcome money into the home, even if got by questionable means. She watches helplessly as one son loses a job over robbery, another gets embroiled in crime, while a third must sell a kidney to keep things afloat.

The realism is often hampered by melodramatic bits: the neighbourhood wife having an extra-marital affair explaining her infidelity, for the benefit of the viewer and the eavesdropping husband outside the door; the women turning to prostitution; criminal gangs running with 14-year-olds drunk on power and alcohol, and so on.

This melodrama has been questioned also by a columnist who quotes PUKAR activist Ajit Abhimeshi.

As per the article, Abhimeshi who has had first-hand experience of working with mill workers, City of Gold chooses to showcase only the sensational bits – “Instead of choosing to show how women of mill workers often got together in the most enterprising of ways, the film chooses to focus on those rare cases of prostitution that may have happened. The underworld did seep into the neighbourhood. Unemployment and lack of financial support did have the potential to degrade the most ethical of youngsters. But never to the point that anyone would attack a passerby at night or pick up a fallen vada pav from the pavement. This is clearly a gaze that comes from the outside.”

And truly enough, the film plays on one heart-rending episode after the other, never seamlessly weaving them all. It’s mean to manipulate and shock (a character ends up with a contract to kill his own friend’s father; another character dies most unexpectedly), never really saying much.


Mahesh Manjrekar (Astitiva, Virudh, Vaastav) while taking up the cause of the mill worker doesn’t tell us enough. What we see is stock film portrayal of the city’s underprivileged and their daily struggle for survival. You wish the film had delved deeper with a more hands-on approach and more layered characters. The ending sequence is simply offensive. The Maharashtrian family speaking in Hindi also robs the film of its authenticity; one is certain the Marathi version (Lalbaugh-Parel) is more effective. Performance by the cast is a huge bonus.

One can call the film somewhat gripping, but hardly one that explores the mill worker’s tribulations with an honest heart.

Link - http://www.sify.com/movies/bollywood/review.php?id=14939523&ctid=5&cid=2425

Tuesday, August 23, 2011

आर पी आय शिवसेना युतीमुळे रंगलेलं राजकारण


बाबासाहेबांनी या देशाला Equlity, Liberty, Feternity आणि Secular या तत्वांची ओळख राज्यघटनेच्या माध्यमातून करून देण्याचा प्रयत्न केला पण ते त्यावरच थांबले नाही तर त्यांनी या देशातील गोरगरीब जनेतेला शिका, संघटीत, व्हा आणि संघर्ष करा असा मंत्र दिला. आज हि तत्व, हा मंत्र गायब झाल्यास्रखा वाटायला लागलंय.


पुरोगामी समजल्या महाराष्ट्रात आता पासूनचा निवडणुकीचे वारे वाहू लागलेत. आता या युतीची चर्चा करण्या अगोदर आपण याची पार्श्वभूमी बघितली पाहिजे. एका बाजूला गेल्या काही वर्ष पासून सेनेला लागेली घर घर तसेच राज ठाकरेंची वाढलेली 
लोकप्रियता यामुळे मराठी तरुणांचा होणार आकर्षण त्याने सेना ग्रासली होती. त्यातच सेनेला बीजेपी सारख्या पक्ष आता कडून जास्त अपेक्षा ठेवता येत नव्हत्या तर दुसऱ्याबाजूला Republican party ऐक्य असूनहि काही फायदा होत नव्हता. रामदास आठवलेंना कॉंग्रेस आणि राष्ट्रवादी पार्टी कडून मानहानी लाचारासारखा जिन मिळाल याला आठवले जवाबदार आहे.रामदास आठवलेंची शिर्डी मतदारसंघाचा निवडणुकीचा वेळी कॉंग्रेस आणि राष्ट्रवादी पार्टी कडून जाणीवपूर्वक केलेला गुप्त प्रचार केला कि तुम्हाला निळ हवी कि गुलाल यामुळे आठवले निवडणुकीत पडले. हा झालेला दगा फटका जिव्हारी लागला होता. याचा बदला घेण्यासाठी या युतीचा चांगला फायदा होऊ शकतो तसच गेली दोन दशकात पक्षाचे कार्यकर्ते फक्त कार्यकर्तेचे राहिले होते त्यांना सत्तेत सामावून घेण्यात आले नव्हते. या सगळ्या आशेने सेना आणि आर पी आय कार्यकर्ते या युतीकडे बघतायत.

या युतीसाठी निमितही मार्मिक होतं कि सेनाप्रमुखांचा नुकत्याच शेजारी राहावयास गेलेले REPUBLICAN नेते रामदास आठवले यांनी सेनाप्रमुख बाळ ठाकरे यांचा वाढदिवसा दिवशी त्यांना शुभेछा देण्यासाठी गेले. या वेळेस ठाकरेंना आठवलेंना जयभीम घालावं कि राम राम म्हाणावा अशा कोड्यात सापड्लेलेया ठाकरेंनी selfish का होईना जयभीम म्हणत शिवशक्ती आणि भीमशक्ती यांनी एकत्र यावा म्हणून आठवलेंना साद घातली. पण भीमशक्ती आणि शिवशक्ती असा उलेख करण टाळल.तसं बगितल तर हि खूप साधी गोष्ट आहे पण आम्ही तुमचा पेक्षा वरचढ आहोत हेच यातून दाखून द्याच होत हे विसरून चालणार नाही.त्यावर “आठवले तुम्ही एकटेच या जास्त पोर संभालाण्याचा माझा स्वभाव नाही”असं ठणकावलं नाही नाही सांगितलं.

या भेटी नंतर महाराष्ट्रातल्या राजकारणाची गणित बदलू लागली आज पर्यंत कॉंग्रेस राष्ट्रवादी यांचा बाजूला बसणारे आठवले आज उद्धव ठकारे आणि मनोहर जोशी याचा बाजूला दिसले. प्रिंट मिडिया आणि इलेक्ट्रोनिक मिडियाने याचा कीस पडत घेतला. काही बाजूचे तर काही विरोधाचे लिखाण छापुन येऊ लागले.वाहिन्यावर चर्चा घडू लागल्या, अंदाज आणि तर्कचे पेव फुटू लागले. युवकांसोबत चर्चा घडू लागल्या त्याहि सोयीचा जेवढा घ्याचा असाच बंधू लागले.तर नेटवर online चर्चा घडू लागल्या. सुरवातीला आपण सेनेचा इतिहास बघू आणि नंतर Republicanपक्षाचा इतिहास बघू
मुळात सेनेचा उदय का झाला हे बघितलं पाहिजे मराठी माणसाच्या प्रश्नावर उभी राहिलेली सेना हि गिरणगावात पसरू लागली त्यवेळी गिरणगावात communist चळवळीच मोठ प्रस्थ होत. कॉ कृष्ण देसाई नावाचा वाघ या गिरणगावात होता त्याला शह कसा द्याच याचा विचार कॉंग्रेस करत होत. त्याच कारण अस कि त्यावेळेस कॉ कृष्ण देसाई यांनी कॉंग्रेसला विधान सभेत वेठीस आणल होतं गिरणगावातल्या communistanच वर्चस्व कमी करायचा असेल तर सेनेला जन्माला घालन आवश्यक होता म्हणून मग महाराष्ट्रचे त्यावेळचे मुख्यमंत्री वसंत नाईकांचा पाठींब्यावर शिवसेना उभी राहिली. त्यावेळेस सेनेला “वसंत सेना” म्हणून प्रसिद्ध होती. परेल, लालबाग या गिरण्यांनी व्यपलेला भागात सेनेच प्रस्थ वाढू लागल. १९८० दशकात हळू हळू सेनेने आपला मराठी माणसाचा stand बदलला आणि मग हिंदुत्वाचा मुद्यावर काम करू लागली. गर्व से कहो हम हिंदूहैं,हिंदुत्व हेच राष्ट्रीयत्व सारख्या पाट्या सेनेच्या शाखावार दिसू लागल्या. १९९२ साली रामशक्ती सोबत अयोध्येतली बाबरी मशीद पडली. मुंबईत दंगली करून हजारो लोकांचे बळी घेतले. गोध्र हत्याकांडाचे आरोपी असलेली गुजरातच्या नरेंद्र मोदीची त्यांचा दोस्ताना आहे.रक्ताने बरबटलेल्या लोकांशी युती कशी करता येईल.

Republican पक्षाचा इतिहास बघन गरजेच आहे बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर यांचा महापरीनिरवानानंतर जवळ पास दहा महिन्यांनी ३ अक्टोबर १९५७ ला रेपुब्लीकॅन पक्षाची स्थापणा झाली. १९५७ साली झालेल्या सार्वत्रिक निवडणुकीत पक्षाचे १९ आमदार होते परंतु आणि त्यानंतर एकाच वर्षनि म्हणजे तीन अक्टोबर १९५८ ला या पक्षात फुट पडली .एक पक्ष बी सी कांबळे यांची नेतृत्वाखाली दुरस्त Republican पक्ष म्हणून महाराष्ट्रातच्या राजकारणात वावरू लागला. तर दुसरा ना दुरस्त म्हणून आपलं अस्तित्व टिकून होता. त्यावेळ्स कॉंग्रेस पक्षाचा नेत्यांच्या राजकीय डावपेचा भाग म्हणून किवा दलित नेत्यांनी वयकातिक विकासाच्या लाभपायी संघर्ष्याच्या एवजी सहकार्यच नावाखाली तडजोडी सुरु केल्या. अनेक Republican पक्षाचे नेते कॉंग्रेस प्रवेश करून सत्ताआरूढ झाले होते. तर काहींनी निवडणुकीच्यावेळी करार केले होते. कालांतराने कॉंग्रेस पक्ष कडून काहीच मिळत नाही याची खात्री झाल्या नंतर हेच नेते विरोधी पक्षIच्या आघाडीत सामील झाले होते. बाबासाहेब मुले जो दबदबा निर्माण झाला होता तो नष्ट झाला आणि दलित अत्याचाराच्या घटनां मध्ये वाढ होऊ लागली ('आंबेडकर आणि मार्क्स' - रावसाहेब कसबे पान क्र १३९ ते १४० ). 

सत्तरच्या दशकात दलित पँथर च्या  माध्यमातून दलित तरूणांच म्हणने समोर आलं त्यांचा revolt समोर आलं. दलितपँथर हि व्यापक विचार सरणीवर उभी राहत असल्यामुळे जातीय वर्गीय भूमिका सुवीकारणे कर्म प्रत होता. पंथरच्या या भूमिकामुळे जातीय किलाल्ना सुरुग लागू लागल.खरे तर दलितांचे शत्रू कोण? मित्र कोण? दलित कोणाला म्हनायचं? अशा संकल्पना दलित पंथर जाहिरानामामुळे सर्व सामन्य माणसापर्यंत पोहोचल्या. सत्तादरी म्हणजे काय? त्याच जनताविरोधी काराभारला विरोध करणारे विरोधी पक्ष म्हणजे काय या राजकारणात दलित हिताचे राजकारण कोणते आहे हे या जाहिरानामात होते. अशा दलितपंथेर बरोबर सेनेचे नेहमीच खटके उडू लागले होते.उदाहरण द्द्यायचं झाल तर वरळीच्या दंगलीचा वेळेस सेनाप्रमुखाकानी नर्दुला टंक मैदानवर केलेलं भाषण आठवावा लागेल त्या वेळी ते मानतात कि “मराठी माणसात फुट पडायचे प्रकार शिवसेना खपून घेणार नाही.पंथेरला मी बजावतो, कि त्यांनी त्यांचा धर्माचा प्रचार खुशाल करावा पण हिंदू देव देवतान विषये काही बोलला तर याद राख तुम्ही चिते असला पण आम्ही वाघ आहोत वेळ आली तर हा वाघ चीत्याचा घास घेतल्याशिवाय राहणार नाही” {“कोंडमारा”अनिल अवचट पान क्र ५६}
या शिवशक्ती आणि रामाश्कती या युतीचा सरकार महाराष्ट्रात सत्तेवर आल तेव्हा मुख्यमंत्री मनोहर जोशी यांनी नामांतर दंगलीच्या वेळी Artocity Act अंतर्गत दाखल करण्यात आलेली ११०० खटले कडून टाकण्यचा भाषा केली होती. तसच ११ जुलै १९९७ घाटकोपर येथील रमाबाई कॉलोनीत मध्ये गोळीबार करून ११ दलितांचे बळी घेतले. त्याच वेळी दलित तरुण हे tanker जाळायला निघाले होते अशी tanker theory मांडण्यात आली. त्याच शक्तीशी आज आठवले युती करायाल निघाले.गोध्र हत्याकांडाचे आरोपी असलेली गुजरातच्या नरेंद्र मोदीची त्यांचा दोस्ताना आता तर आठवलेहि मोदींना भेटून आले, फोटोही काढले तर फोटो प्रसिद्धही केले याला तुम्ही काय म्हणाल
आजही दलितांवर अत्याचर होताना दिसतात भंडारा जिल्यतल खैरलांजी गावात भोतमांगे कुटुंबाची निर्घुण केलेली हत्या तसच मुंबईतील दारूखान विभागात दलित मुलीची नग्न धिंड काढण हे आजही सुरु आहेत. याची साधी बातमीही सेनेचा सामना या वर्तमान पत्रात येत नाही. आली तरही कुठ तरी एका collum मधे असते. मग ह्या युतीमुळे हे अत्याचार थांबणार आहेत काय? दलितांचा सामाजिक न्याय संदर्भात कोणती भूमिका सेना घेतेय. दलितान मध्ये असलेली जाणीव मोडून काढण्याचा प्रयतन या निमिताने होतोय कुठला समान कार्यकर्म आठवलेंना दिसला.हे कळतच नाही.आज रामदास आठवले सेनेचे प्रवक्ता सारखे बोलतायत.महाराष्ट्र ठिकठिकाणी युतीसाठी मेळावे होतायत.या मेळावाना किती सेनेचे आणि भाजपचे नेते उपस्थित होते हे आपण सगळ्यांनी पहिले आहे.सेनेचा वर्धापन दिनी सेनेचे कार्यध्यक्ष उध्दव ठाकरे म्हणाले कि आठवले तुम्हाला मनाचे ताट देण्यात येईल. आता हे मनाचा ताट बघण्याची वेळ आली आहे. नाही तर संगतीला एक आणि पंगतीला एक अस होयचा.या युतीतला तिसरा पक्ष वा शक्ती { रामशक्ती} अजून लांब लांब आहे. तस त्यांनी म्हणजे नितीन गडकरींनी आठवलेंना NDA सामील होयला सांगितलं.
तर या युतीचा नगरा ज्या वेळेस वाजला त्या वेळेस कॉंग्रेस आणि राष्ट्रवादी पक्ष मध्ये भीतीच वातावरण झाल.त्यातच राष्ट्रवादी पक्षांचा अजित पवारांनी दादर स्टेशनला चैत्यभूमी याचं नाव देण्याची घोषणा करून एकूणच गोंधळं मजवाण्याचा प्रयत्न केला व तसा ठराव राष्ट्रवादी पक्षाचा वर्धापन दिनच औचित साधून सामाजिक परिषदे मध्ये संमत करून घेतला.तर कॉंग्रेसने डॉ बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर याचं नाव दादर स्टेशनला द्यावं म्हणून पंतप्रधानान पत्र पाठवलं. कुणी मतासाठी तर कुणी खुर्चीसाठी बाबासाहेबंचा विचार नेहमीच विकत आलेत.या सगळ्यातून भीमशक्ती - शिवश्कातीचा टायर puncture करण्यचा प्रयत्न केला. एकीकडे कॉंग्रेस- राष्ट्रवादी आघाडी जी पुरोगामितेच भांडवल करून, धर्मनीरपेकशेतेचा आव आणून नेहमीच एका वर्गाचा हित जोपासण्यात आपली सारी शक्ती घालवली आहे. त्यांचा खरा चेहरा समोर आला आहे.
वीस वर्ष आठवले कॉंग्रेस सोबत होते त्यांनाकशा प्रकारची वागणूक मिळत होत आपण जनता आहात. शरद पवारांनी बेरजेचा राजकारण करून आठवलेंना आपल्या गोट्यात आणल आणि आंबेडकरी चळवळीला तोडन्यचा प्रयत्न केला त्यात ते यशश्वी झाले.तस पवारांनी हे गणित सोडवान्यचा शिक्षण त्याचा मानस पित्या कडून घेतलं आहे.कारण त्यांनीही Republicanपक्ष फोडला आणि यांनीही १९९२ साली पक्ष फोडला पण हे सगळ लक्षात यायला आठवलेंना वीस वर्ष जावी लागली. आता सगळे आठवलेवर टीका करू लागले.काहींनी जुने संदर्भ दिले.ज्याना या युती मध्ये समावता आल नाही ते ओरड करू लागले कि आंबेडकरी चळवळ निघाली कुठे? किवा पत्रकार परिषद घेऊन आठवले कसे चुकीचे आहेत हे सांगू लागलेत इतकीच आंबेडकरी चळवळची काळजी होती दलित अत्याचारच्या घटना घडतात त्या वेळीस कुठे असता . त्यावेळी ह्या सगळ्या नेत्यांनी का आवाज उठवला नाही.काम झाल कि विसरयाचा हि जुनी रीत कॉंग्रेस आणि राष्ट्रवादीची आहे. आज सेना आणि भाजप हे देखील तसे वागणार नाही याची खात्री देऊ शकत नाही.सेना भाजप यांचा अगेंडा वर जात वर्ग अंताचा कोणता कार्यक्रम आहे. भूमिहीन शेत मजूर आणि असंघटीत कामगारांसाठी कोणत्या योजना आहेत.हिंदुत्व भोवती ह्याच राजकारण फिरत आज मागासवर्गीय studentचा feeचा, scholarshipचा प्रश्न आहे. हे सगळे युतीचा अजेंड्यावर आहे का तर नाही. मग कोणत्या आधारावर हि युती होतेय.
एकीकृत Republican पक्षाने डावी आघाडी, पुरोगामी पक्ष {रीडोलास} निवडणुकीला समोर गेला परंतु त्या यश आल नाही का तर आजकाल निवडणुका ह्या विचारांचा जोरावर नाही तर नोटवर लढल्या जातात हेच दिसून आल, तसच हा प्रयोग निवडणुकीचा काही महिने अगोदर झाला होता. लोकांमध्ये त्याची रीतसर चर्चाही झाली नव्हती.
आज पुन्हा एकदा आशा युतीची गरज आहे,कि जी फक्त निवडणुका डोळ्या समोर ठेऊन राजकारण् करण्या ऐवजी त्यांनी दलित अन्याय अत्यचार विरुद्ध न्याय मिळून देण्यासाठीच राजकारण करेल.मग संसदीय निवडणुका जिंकता येईल. आज आंबेडकरी चळवळ आणि महाराष्ट्रातली साम्यवादी आणि पुरोगामी चळवळ एकत्र येऊन देशाच्या राजकारणात सहभागी झाल्या पाहिजेत. तरच येणाऱ्या काळात गोरगरिबांचा सरकार येईल.लोकांच्या दुष्मनला ओळखा.सत्ताधरायांच्या {आघाडीची असो वा युतीची असो} हातातले बाहुले बनण्यापेक्षा समाजहिताचे राजकारण करा आणि बदलत्या परिस्थीच शांतपने विचार करा.नाही. तर काळ यांना माफ करणार नाही.
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